Perang Dunia Timur. Jepang, Tiongkok, dan Korea/Bab 13

THE BEGINNINGS OF HOSTILITIES.

Japan Decides to Reform Corea without China’s Aid—Corean Palace Guards Fire on the Japanese Escort of Minister Otori—Momentous Result of the Skirmish—Announcement of Corean Independence—Tai-wen Kun as Prime Minister—The First Collision at Sea—Sinking of the Kow-shing—Fighting Around Asan—Defeat of the Chinese—Li Hung Chang Declares that the War Will Be Fought to the Bitter End—Japan’s Formal Declaration of War—China’s Response—The Conflict Begun.

Failing to secure China’s co-operation, Mr. Otori told the officials at Seoul that the government was now determined of her own accord to see the needed reforms carried out. The Corean government still showing no disposition to acquiesce in his proposals, the Japanese minister determined to have a personal interview with the king, of whose sympathy with the policy of the Ming party, there was some doubt. The minister had regarded the reply of the Corean government to his demands as insolent, and knowing that its substance had been made known to the Corean officers, he felt an apprehension of violence toward himself and the members of the legation. He therefore insisted on being accompanied by a strong escort of Japanese on the occasion of any further visits to the palace.

On the morning of July 23, attended by this escort of Japanese guards, and accompanied by the father of the king, Mr. Otori set out from the legation for the purpose of having another interview with the Corean monarch. As the minister with his fully armed escort approached the palace, they were fired upon by troops in the service of the Ming ministry, some of whom were stationed within the palace walls. The fire was promptly returned by the Japanese, and a sharp skirmish ensued which lasted twenty minutes. One Japanese cavalryman and two foot-soldiers were wounded; while the Corean loss was seventeen killed and seventy wounded. When quiet was restored, the Japanese were in possession of the palace. The result of the fight was momentous—the complete overthrow of the Ming, or pro-Chinese faction in the Corean government.

438On the same day the Corean king formally announced his independence of China. One of his first acts was to request an interview with Mr. Otori, and before the interview had ended that day the Japanese ministers saw the Tai-wen Kun, father of the king, and formerly regent during the latter’s minority, formally installed as prime minister and instructed to introduce administrative reforms such as Japan had proposed. A written pledge was signed by the king, guaranteeing that the remedying of social and political abuses should begin as soon as the proper machinery could be put in operation; the old counsellors of the king were replaced by men believed to be in sympathy with progressive principles. Japan on her part made herself responsible for the execution of these pledges. The part taken by the king in the reforms is somewhat uncertain. One of the most eminent authorities on Corean affairs has declared that the king himself cannot be looked upon as a potent factor in the struggle; that he is a weak, amiable, nervous man, whose only importance consists in the fact that he is a king and in the sanction that his presence, and authority, and seal may be considered to lend to the party with which he sides. He has not been on good terms with his father, and when the Japanese placed the latter in charge there was considerable uncertainty as to the results that would follow.

The same day that this skirmish at the palace occurred between Corean and Japanese troops, a report was sent out which might have involved Great Britain in the eastern war. It was alleged that ill-treatment had been offered by the Japanese troops to the British consul-general at Seoul, Mr. Gardner and his wife. The assertion was that the Japanese troops forbade their passing the line of sentries which had been drawn around an encampment, and that unnecessary force had been used to accomplish this. The falsity of the charges, or the fact that they were very much overdrawn, was proved upon the first investigation, no regulations being in force except those natural and proper in such times.

The situation in Corea developed very slowly. The ways of the east are not as the ways of the west, and one of the most deeply-rooted and highly-prized instincts which oriental diplomatists have inherited from a long line of their ancestors is a profound belief in the merits of procrastination.

439The first important collision at sea occurred in Prince Jerome gulf, about forty miles off Chemulpo, on July 25, one week before the formal declaration of war. Up to the night of July 19, the highest authorities at Tien-tsin did not anticipate war, but as a matter of watchful policy the war-office chartered the British steamers Irene, Fei Ching, and Kow-shing, belonging to the Indo-Chinese Steam Navigation company, and a number of Chinese merchant steamers, for the transportation of troops. The object was to transport the second division from Taku to Asan, to reinforce the Chinese army in that Corean city. The Irene was the first to leave Taku, July 21, with one thousand one hundred and fifty troops, with one of the owners and his wife on board; the other two vessels were to leave on the 22nd and 23rd.

The Kow-shing was an iron vessel, schooner-rigged, of one thousand three hundred and fifty tons, built at Barrow and belonging to the port of London. She sailed from Taku July 23, with no cargo, but with one thousand two hundred Chinese troops on board. All went well with the transport until the second morning, July 25, when about nine o’clock the vessel was sighted by a Japanese man-of-war, the Naniwa Kan. The Naniwa was accompanied 440by two other men-of-war, one of which was the Matsusima, on board of which was the Japanese admiral. The Kow-shing was ordered by signal, “Stop where you are or take the consequences.” She promptly anchored. Then the Naniwa steamed up and sent a boarding party to the Kow-shing.

The officers in command made a strict scrutiny of the ship’s papers, and after some hesitation as to his course of action, peremptorily ordered the Kow-shing to follow. This caused great excitement amongst the troops, who said to the English officers of the ship, “We refuse to become prisoners and would rather die here. If you move the ship, except to return to China, we will kill you.” The Japanese having returned to their own vessel, the European officers on the Kow-shing argued with the Chinese to convince them that it would be wiser to surrender, thus saving the life of all and the ship itself. These arguments had no effect on the Chinese, and the Kow-shing then signalled to the Naniwa to send another boat.

Captain Von Hannecken explained the situation to the Japanese boarding officer, pointing out that there had been no declaration of war, that the Kow-shing was a British ship under the British flag, and that owing to the position taken by the Chinese it was physically impossible for the officers of the vessels to obey the Naniwa’s order. He claimed that the flag should be respected, and that the ship should be escorted back to the Chinese coast. The boarding party then returned to the Naniwa, which thereupon signalled “Quit the ship as soon as possible.” The Kow-shing officers replied that it was impossible to quit the ship, owing to the threats of the Chinese. The Naniwa threw an answering pennant, and steamed quickly into position, broadside on, at a distance of about two hundred yards. Mr. Tamplin, the chief officer of the Kow-shing, tells a graphic story of the scene that followed.

“The Chinese were greatly excited, and kept drawing their fingers across their throats in order to show us what we might expect. The British officers, and Captain Von Hannecken, were anxiously gathered on the bridge, and the bodyguards were at the bottom of the ladder watching us like cats. Two executioners fully armed were told off to follow the captain and myself, and 443they dogged us everywhere with drawn scepters. About one o’clock the Naniwa opened fire, first discharging a torpedo at the Kow-shing, which did not strike her. The man-of-war then fired a broadside of five heavy guns, and continued firing both heavy and machine guns from deck and tops until the Kow-shing sank about an hour later. The Kow-shing was first struck right amidships, and the sound of the crashing and splintering was almost deafening. To add to the danger, the Chinese rushed to the other side, causing the ship to heel over more than ever. As soon as the Kow-shing was struck the soldiers made a rush. I rushed from the bridge, got a life-belt, and jumped overboard forward. While in the wheel house selecting a life-belt I passed another European, but I had no time to see who it was. It was a regular sauve qui peut. Mr. Wake, our third officer, said it was no use for him to take to the water, as he could not swim, and he went down with the ship.

“After jumping into the water I came foul of the chain, down which the Chinese were swarming. As I came to the surface the boiler exploded with terrific noise. I looked up and saw Captain Von Hannecken striking out vigorously. Captain Galsworthy, the master of the vessel, was also close by, his face perfectly black from the explosion. All of us went in the direction of the island of Shotai-ul, which was about a mile and a half to the northeast, swimming through the swarm of dead and dying Chinamen. Bullets began to strike the water on every side, and turning to see whence they came, I saw that the Chinese herding around the only part of the Kow-shing that was then out of water, were firing at us. I was slightly hit on the shoulder, and in order to protect my head covered it with the life-belt until I got clear of the sinking vessel. When I succeeded in doing this, and got away from the swarms of Chinamen, I swam straight for the Naniwa. I had been in the water nearly an hour when I was picked up by one of the Naniwa’s boats. While in the water I passed two Chinese warriors clinging to a sheep which was swimming vigorously. As soon as I was on board the Naniwa’s boat, I told the officer in which direction the captain had gone, and he said that he had already sent another boat to pick him up. By this time only the Kow-shing’s masts were visible. The water was however covered 444with Chinese, and there were two lifeboats from the Kow-shing crowded with soldiers. The Japanese officer informed me that he had been ordered by signal from the Naniwa to sink these boats. I remonstrated, but he fired two volleys from the cutter, turned back, and steamed for the Naniwa. No attempt was made to rescue the Chinese. The Naniwa steamed about until eight o’clock in the evening, but did not pick up any other Europeans.”

The Irene, which had been the first vessel to leave Taku, herself had a narrow escape from an attack. She sighted a war vessel at eleven o’clock on the night of July 23, but by at once putting out all her lights was enabled to escape, and reached Asan early the next morning. The Chinese cruisers Chih Yuen and Kwang Kai, and the training ship Wei Yuen were at anchor. The troops were at once disembarked, and about nine o’clock the same morning the Irene left for Chefoo, arriving at four o’clock the afternoon of the 25th. Being under orders to proceed to Chemulpo to bring back refugees, she sailed at noon the next day in company with the British ship Archer. When some distance from Chefoo, the Irene was hailed by the Fei Ching, and informed that the troop ship Kow-shing had been sunk by Japanese war vessels. It was decided to take the Irene into Wei-hai-wei and confer with Admiral Ting as to the advisability of her going to Chemulpo; he advised her return to Chefoo.

The same morning, July 26, the cruiser Chih Yuen arrived at Wei-hai-wei from Asan, and reported that shortly after leaving that port, the new Japanese cruiser Yoshino fired on her and her consort, the Kwang Kai, unexpectedly, and a shell, piercing the bow turret, exploded, killing the entire crew serving one gun, and disabling the turret. As soon as the Chih Yuen got a little sea-room, her steering-gear having been disabled, she maneuvered and fought with her stern gun, one shell from which swept away the entire bridge of her opponent. A second shell striking the same place, the Japanese ceased firing and hoisted a white flag over a Chinese ensign, but Captain Hong, of the Chih Yuen, having his bow guns and his steering gear disabled, and other Japanese coming up, decided to make for Wei-hai-wei and report to the admiral. The first lieutenant of the Chih Yuen was speaking through the tube, directing the men, when a shot struck 445him and he fell dead. Twelve of the crew were killed and thirty wounded. The Japanese vessel suffering somewhat less.

The Kow-shing affair caused a complete change in the attitude of the Chinese government and in the foreign mind. The viceroy, Li Hung Chang, declared in an interview that if war was once provoked, China would fight to the bitter end. Japan was attacked in the European press for having sent a British ship to the bottom, even though it were loaded with Chinese soldiers, inasmuch as war had not been declared. The Japanese government at once instructed the minister in London to apologize to Great Britain for firing on the British flag, which was floating over the Kow-shing, and it was talked in every quarter that a heavy indemnity would be required from Japan. As further details became known, however, European and American sentiment began to shift. A British consular court of inquiry called to investigate the matter, decided that inasmuch as the two nations were virtually in a state of war at the time, though no formal declaration had been made, the Japanese commander was justified in his action on the ground that the Kow-shing was violating neutrality. The demand for an indemnity was practically abandoned on account of a clause contained in the ship’s charter to the effect that in the event of an outbreak of hostilities between China and Japan, the Kow-shing should be considered Chinese property. The case was therefore ended, so far as the action of nations outside of China and Japan was concerned. Less than two hundred were saved, out of nearly twelve hundred souls who were on board the vessel. French, German, and Italian gunboats which were cruising near, brought to Chefoo the few Chinese survivors, and several of the European officers were saved by the Japanese. Captain Von Hannecken was rescued by a fisherman’s boat, and made his way back to China.

Immediately following the date of these sea battles, hard fighting began at and around Asan, where the body of Chinese troops was intrenched. Early on the morning of July 29 the Chinese troops, who had left their fortifications at Asan, were attacked by General Oshima, the commander of Japanese armies in Corea, at Seikwan. The Japanese gained a decisive victory. After a hard fought battle in which one hundred Chinese were killed and five 446hundred wounded, out of twenty-eight hundred troops engaged, while the Japanese lost less than one hundred, the Chinese were forced back towards Asan, their entrenchment at Chan Hon having been captured. During the night the Chinese evacuated Asan, abandoning large quantities of ammunition and some guns, and fled in the direction of Koshu. When the Japanese reached Asan early in the morning of the 30th they found the trenches deserted. Many flags, four cannon, and a quantity of other munitions of war were captured, and the victorious troops took possession of the enemy’s headquarters.

Elated by the results of the actions which had occurred, Japan was now hurrying troops into the field. Thousands of soldiers were shipped in transports and stationed in Chemulpo, in Seoul, along the Great Northern road in Fusan, and finally around Asan, sixty miles south of Chemulpo, out of which the Chinese had just been driven. Three attempts at mediation had been made with a desire to avert war by diplomatic interference, first by Russia, then by England, and lastly by England supported by all the powers, but Japan was ready and anxious to prove her prowess over her ancient enemy, and to show to western nations the strength that she had acquired; while there were ample and strong reasons which appeared to the Japanese worthy ones why they should wage war upon China. They asserted that the best interests of civilization and humanity demanded this action and the time had come to begin. Belligerent acts had multiplied and formal action became necessary, without further delay. August 3 was the important date which marked the formal beginning of warlike operations.

The announcements to the world that an oriental war was actually to be waged, were in every way characteristic of the people and the habits of the two belligerent nations. Each one took pains to declare its power and the age of the reigning dynasty. Japan however took its greatest pride, very evidently, in the advance of its civilization, and the introduction of western methods in diplomacy as well as elsewhere. China, on the other hand, was more verbose, and at the same time very scornful of the fighting strength of the ancient rival. Each of course took pains to justify her own actions and cast all the odium of the war on the other. 449

Japan’s formal declaration of war appeared in the “Official Gazette,” and in substance was as follows:

“We, by the grace of heaven, Emperor of Japan, seated on a throne occupied by the same dynasty from time immemorial, do hereby make proclamation to all our loyal and brave subjects as follows: We hereby declare war against China, and we command each and all of our competent authorities, in obedience to our wish, and with a view to the attainment of the national aim, to carry on hostilities by sea and land against China, with all the means at their disposal, consistently with the law of nations.

“Over twenty years have now elapsed since our accession to the throne. During this time we have consistently pursued a policy of peace, being deeply impressed with a sense of the undesirability of being in strained relations with other nations, and have always directed our officials diligently to endeavor to promote friendship with all the treaty powers. Fortunately our intercourse with the nations has continued to increase in intimacy.

“We were therefore unprepared for such a conspicuous want of amity and of good faith, as has been manifested by China in her conduct towards this country in connection with the Corean affairs. Corea is an independent state. She was first introduced into the family of nations by the advice and under the guidance of Japan. It has however, been China’s habit to designate Corea as her dependency, and both openly and secretly to interfere with her domestic affairs. At the time of the recent civil insurrection in Corea, China dispatched troops thither, alleging that her purpose was to afford succor to her dependent state. We, in virtue of the treaty concluded with Corea in 1882, and looking to possible emergencies, caused a military force to be sent to that country, wishing to procure for Corea freedom from the calamity of perpetual disturbance, and thereby to maintain the peace of the east in general. Japan invited China’s co-operation for the accomplishment of that object; but China, advancing various pretexts, declined Japan’s proposal.

“Thereupon Japan advised Corea to reform her administration, so that order might be preserved at home, and so that the country might be able to discharge the responsibilities and duties of an independent state abroad. Corea has already consented to 450undertake the task, but China has insidiously endeavored to circumvent and thwart Japan’s purpose. She has further procrastinated and endeavored to make warlike preparations, both on land and at sea. When these preparations were completed, she not only sent large re-enforcements to Corea with a view to the attainment of her ambitious designs, but even carried her arbitrariness and insolence to the extent of opening fire upon our ships in Corean waters.

“China’s plain object is to make it uncertain where the responsibility resides for preserving peace and order in Corea, and not only to weaken the position of that state in the family of nations—a position obtained for Corea through Japanese efforts—but also to obscure the significance of the treaties recognizing and confirming that position. Such conduct on the part of China is not only a direct injury to the rights and interests of this empire, but also a menace to the permanent peace and tranquility of the Orient. Judging from her action, it must be concluded that China from the beginning has been bent upon sacrificing peace to the attainment of her sinister objects. In this situation, ardent as our wish is to promote the prestige of the country abroad by strictly peaceful methods, we find it impossible to avoid a formal declaration of war against China. It is our earnest wish that by the loyalty and valor of our faithful subjects, peace may soon be permanently restored, and the glory of the empire be augmented and completed.”

China promptly accepted the issue thus formally raised, and published a declaration in substance as follows:

“Corea has been our tributary for the last two hundred odd years. She has given us tribute all of this time, which is a matter known to the world. For the last dozen years or so Corea has been troubled by repeated insurrections; and we in sympathy with our small tributary have as repeatedly sent succor to her aid, eventually placing a resident in her capital to protect Corea’s interests. In the fourth moon (May) of this year, another rebellion was begun in Corea, and the king repeatedly asked again for aid from us to put down the rebellion. We then ordered Li Hung Chang to send troops to Corea, and they having barely reached Asan, the rebels immediately scattered, but the 'Wojen' (the 451ancient epithet for the Japanese expressive of contempt translated ‘pigmies’ or more strictly according to usage ‘vermin’), without any cause whatever sent their troops to Corea and entered Seoul, the capital of Corea, re-enforcing them constantly until they have exceeded ten thousand men.

“In the meantime the Japanese forced the Corean king to change his system of government, showing a disposition in every way of bullying Coreans. It was found a difficult matter to reason with the ‘Wojen.’ Although we have been in the habit of assisting our tributaries, we have never interfered with their internal government. Japan’s treaty with Corea was as one country with another. There is no law for sending large armies to bully a country in this way and to tell it to change its system of government. Various powers are united in condemning the conduct of the Japanese, and can give no reasonable name to the army she now has in Corea. Nor has Japan been amenable to reason, nor will she listen to an exhortation to withdraw her troops and confer amicably upon what should be done in Corea. On the contrary, Japan has shown herself belligerent without regard to appearances, and has been increasing her forces there. Her conduct alarmed the people of Corea as well as our merchants there, and so we sent more troops over to protect them. Judge of our surprise then, when half way to Corea a number of the ‘Wojen’ ships suddenly appeared, and taking advantage of our unpreparedness opened fire on our transports at a spot on the sea coast near Asan, and damaged them, thus causing us to suffer from their treacherous conduct which could not be foretold by us.

“As Japan has violated the treaties and not observed the international laws, and is now running rampant with her false and treacherous actions, beginning hostilities herself, and laying herself open to condemnation by the various powers at large, we, therefore, desire to make it known to the world that we have always followed the paths of philanthropy and perfect justice throughout the whole complications, while the ‘Wojen’ and others have broken all the laws of nations and treaties which it passed our patience to bear with. Hence we command Li Hung Chang to give strict orders to our various armies to hasten with all speed 452to root the ‘Wojen’ out of their lairs. He is to send successive armies of valiant men to Corea, in order to have the Coreans freed from bondage. We also command Manchoo generals, viceroys, and governors of the maritime provinces, as well as the commanders in chief of the various armies to prepare for war and to make every effort to fire on the ‘Wojen’ ships if they come into our ports, and utterly destroy them. We exhort our generals to refrain from the least laxity in obeying our commands, in order to avoid severe punishment at our hands. Let all know this edict as if addressed to themselves individually.”

Immediately following China’s declaration of war, the Chinese Imperial Foreign Office addressed an important circular letter to the ministers of the various European countries, and of the United States, to be forwarded to their respective governments. The message began abruptly with the announcement that some time ago a rebellion broke out in the district of Chung in Corea, and the king of that country sent a written application for Chinese assistance through Li Hung Chang, Viceroy of the North.

“Our Imperial Majesty,” the message continued, “considering that on previous occasions rebellion in Corea had been suppressed by our assistance, dispatched troops, which did not however enter Seoul, but went direct to the scene, with a view to exterminating the rebellion. At the first rumor of their approach the rebels dispersed, and our army, having brought merciful relief to the distressed people, meditated a victorious retirement. To our astonishment Japan also dispatched troops to Corea, pretending that it was for the purpose of assisting to quell the rebellion, but their real object being to occupy Seoul, which they did, posting themselves at all the important passes. They continued to re-enforce themselves, until the number of their troops rose to upwards of ten thousand, when they demanded that Corea should repudiate her allegiance to China, and declare herself independent. Japan further drew up many rules and regulations for the alteration of the Corean government, which they required the king to conform to in every detail. That Corea has been a dependency of China from time immemorial is known to all the world, and therefore when your different 455respective governments established treaties with that nation, such treaties were approved and recorded by ourselves. For Japan to ignore this in so high handed a manner, is an offense against the dignity and authority of China, and a grave breach of the pre-existing harmonious relations.”

The message comments upon the doubtful right of any country to interfere with the internal administration of the affairs of the neighboring states, and adds that while friendly counsel and exhortation may sometimes be permissible, the enforcement of suggestions of reform by direct and strenuous coercion and armed invasion cannot be tolerated. It is impossible, the message declares, for China to submit to such ignominious treatment, which would be equally intolerable to any of the respective governments to which the message is addressed. Reference is next made to the efforts of the British and Russian governments through their representatives to induce Japan to withdraw her forces from Seoul, thus making possible the peaceful negotiation of Corean affairs.

“This,” says the circular, “was an extremely fair and just proposal, but Japan stubbornly refused to take it into consideration, and on the contrary strengthened her forces to such an extent that the people of Corea and resident Chinese merchants there became daily more alarmed and disturbed. China, out of consideration for the commendable efforts of the different governments to effect a peaceful solution of the Corean question, rigidly abstained from any act of bloodshed, which would have led to great suffering and serious injury to commerce, and though it became necessary to send further forces for the protection of the country, we placed them at a careful distance from Seoul, studiously avoiding a collision with the Japanese troops, which would have occasioned the commencement of hostilities. Notwithstanding all this, and by a most unexpected and treacherous scheme, the Japanese on July 25, collected a number of their war vessels outside the port of Asan, and began hostilities by firing on our transports and attacking and sinking the British steamer Kow-Shing, flying the English flag. Thus, therefore, the commencement of the war on their part was beyond all justification, and China, having done her utmost hitherto to preserve the good 456fellowship of nations, can carry forbearance no further, but feels constrained to adopt different counsels and to take effectual measures for the management of affairs.

“We anticipate,” says the message in conclusion, “that the various governments of the world will hear of these extraordinary proceedings with wonder and surprise, but they will know where to lay the entire blame attaching to them. This full statement of the circumstances under which Japan has iniquitously and unlawfully commenced war, is presented to your excellency for communication to your respected government for its inspection.”

The two great nations of the orient were now at war, one with forty millions of inhabitants, the other with four hundred millions, fighting on the soil of their helpless neighbor, a nation which was to act as little more than a buffer for the shock of war from either side to strike.