Perang Dunia Timur. Jepang, Tiongkok, dan Korea/Bab 15

THE FIRST GREAT BATTLES OF THE WAR.

Concentration of Japanese Troops to Threaten Ping-Yang—Plan of Attack—Poor Defenses in the Rear of the Chinese Position—Night advance on the Enemy—Swift and Effective Victory—Chinese Commander Killed—Thousands of Prisoners Taken—Rejoicings in Japan—Honors for the Dead Chinese Commander—Second Great Conflict in a Week—The Naval Battle of the Yalu River—Another Victory for the Japanese Fleet—Many War Ships Destroyed—Hundreds of Sailors Drowned in Sinking Vessels—Carnage and Destruction—Elation of the Japanese over two Successive Victories—Depression in the Chinese Capital and Criticism of the Chinese Viceroy, Li Hung Chang.

The first serious engagement between the Chinese and the Japanese forces in Corea resulted, as competent judges foresaw all along, in the complete victory of the latter. The great battle was fought and won. The Chinese were utterly routed. The strong position of Ping-Yang lying just north of the Tatong river, on the road from Seoul to the frontier at the mouth of the Yalu river, was carried by assault in the small hours of Sunday morning, September 16. The Chinese troops who held it were utterly defeated, with a loss in killed, wounded, and prisoners, estimated at nearly four-fifths of their entire force.

On Thursday morning, September 13, began the attacks which resulted two days later in the brilliant victory. Three columns of Japanese troops had been centering for this attack for some weeks. The first of these came from Gensan, threatening a flank attack. The column marched from this port on the Sea of Japan almost directly west, approaching Ping-Yang by way of the mountain passes. The center column 482came from Pongsan almost directly south of Ping-Yang. The third column landed at Hwang-ju near the mouth of the Tatong river, and occupied a position to the westward of Ping-Yang on the right flank of the Chinese troops.

The infantry and artillery of the Japanese were in a high state of efficiency. The men themselves were hardy, active, brave and intelligent. Their drill and discipline had been carefully adapted from the best European models. Their arms were of the latest and most destructive patterns that science has been able to devise, and every detail in their equipment and accoutrements had been thoroughly thought out and carefully provided. The officers who had the skill and the energy to create such a force were of course worthy to lead it. All of them had made scientific study of their profession, and some of them had spent years in close investigation of the more famous European military systems, under the guidance of distinguished strategists. But while it was generally anticipated that such an army, so led, would have an easy task in defeating and dispersing any force which the Chinese were likely to assemble against it at short notice in Corea, 483it was by no means certain that the Japanese could force an engagement before the Corean winter made serious operations impracticable. The Japanese commander showed that he had mastered the great secret of modern warfare. He knew how to move his troops with rapidity and with decision, and doing so he succeeded in dealing a heavy blow to China with trifling loss to himself.

The position held by the Chinese was one of great natural strength. Doubtless on this account it was protected by old works, which the Chinese had supplemented by new defenses. True, however, to the extraordinary practice so often adopted by the Chinese armies, they neglected to secure their rear to any adequate degree. The Japanese, who had fought the Chinese before, foresaw that this would be the case, and planned their measures accordingly.

Thursday the Japanese column from Pongsan, the centre, made a reconnoissance in force, drawing the fire from the Chinese fort, and ascertaining accurately the location of the defenses and the disposition of the troops. This having been accomplished, the Japanese forces fell back in good order and with very little loss, none of the other troops having entered the engagement.

Friday was spent by the Japanese in taking up their final position, and by that evening all the Japanese forces were in position for the combined attack, the Pongsan column facing the Chinese centre to bear the brunt, as in the preliminary fighting, and the others arranged as heretofore described. The Hwang-ju column had been re-enforced the day before by marines and blue jackets from the fleet at the mouth of the Tatong river.

The battle opened Saturday morning at daybreak by a direct cannonade upon the Chinese works. This continued without cessation until the afternoon, the Chinese fighting their guns well and making good execution. At two o’clock in the afternoon a body of infantry was thrown forward, and these troops kept up a rifle fire upon the Chinese until dusk. The Japanese gained some advanced positions, but they mainly occupied the same ground as when the attack opened. Firing continued at intervals throughout the night.

Neither of the flanking columns took any part in the heavy fighting during Saturday, and thus no opportunity was given to 484the Chinese of measuring the real number of the forces opposed to them or of ascertaining the real plans of the enemy. Throughout the day the Chinese held their own without much loss except to their defenses, and they retired to rest with the satisfied feeling of men who have not unsuccessfully opposed a formidable adversary.

They had a rude awakening. During the night the two flanking columns drew a cordon around the Chinese forces, and at three o’clock on Sunday morning the attack was delivered simultaneously and with admirable precision. The Gensan and Hwang-ju columns were the ones who devoted themselves to the rear of the Chinese position, and the entrenched troops suddenly found themselves exposed to attacks from the force they had fought during the day and from new forces of fresh troops of unknown numbers.

The Chinese lines which were so strong in front, were found comparatively weak in the rear. The unsuspicious soldiers, taken completely by surprise, fell into panic and were cut down by hundreds. They were surrounded and at every point where they sought safety in flight they met the foe. It was of course a disgrace 487to the Chinese leaders to be completely outmanœuvred and surprised, but it was no disgrace to the Chinese soldiers to flee with but slight resistance when the surprise had been accomplished by an enemy outnumbering them nearly three to one.

The greatest Manchoo general, and some of the troops disciplined under Li Hung Chang’s directions on the European system, fought stoutly, stood their ground to the last, and were cut down to a man. But their stand was useless. The Pongsan column, swarming over the damaged defenses in the front, completed the discomfiture of the Chinese. Half an hour after the night attack opened, the splendid position of Ping-Yang was in the possession of the Japanese.

The Japanese victory was brilliant and complete. They captured the whole of the immense quantities of stores, provisions, arms and ammunition in the camp, besides hundreds of battle flags. The Chinese loss was about two thousand seven hundred killed and more than fourteen thousand wounded and prisoners. Less than a fourth of the Chinese army succeeded in escaping. The Japanese loss was thirty killed and two hundred and sixty-nine wounded, including eleven officers.

Among the officers of the Chinese killed was General Tso-pao-kwei, Manchoorian commander-in-chief of the army, who fought desperately to the last and was wounded twice. In this battle also, General Wei Jink-woi, and General Sei Kinlin were captured and these practically comprise the effective Chinese staff.

Within ten hours of the great battles of Ping-Yang, the engineers had completed the military field telegraph between that place and Pongsan, and had messages on the wires to Seoul. The 488number of troops engaged in the battle on the side of the Japanese was about sixty thousand, and of the Chinese about twenty thousand, which in a measure explains and justifies the result of the conquest.

The news of this battle was welcomed most enthusiastically in Japan, and rejoicings were held in Tokio and the other large cities. Bells were rung and salutes fired. Field Marshal Count Yamagata, in command of the Japanese troops, received congratulations by telegraph from the emperor of Japan.

The emperor of China had occasion to take different measures. An imperial edict was promulgated in which he expressed his profound regret at the death of General Tso, who was killed while gallantly leading the Chinese troops. The emperor ordered that posthumous orders should be paid to the deceased, befitting his rank as a provincial commander of the Chinese Empire. The edict bestowed imperial favors upon the sons and family of the 489late general. After he had been severely wounded in the shoulder by a bullet, General Tso persisted in remaining at the head of his troops, and it was while leading his men in an unsuccessful charge that he was struck by another bullet and killed.

Just one day after the rout of the Chinese from their defenses at Ping-Yang, another meeting between Japanese and Chinese took place not may miles from the same point, but the second battle was on sea instead of land, and its results were not as definitive as those of the battle of Ping-Yang. There remained room for each contestant to lay claim to certain phases of the victory. But the opinion of independent and impartial authorities, naval and military, has been that in the indirect results as well as the immediate lesson, Japan was well justified in claiming the contest to be hers.

Admiral Ting and his fleet were at Tien-tsin awaiting the orders of the Chinese war council which was sitting at that place. He was instructed to convoy a fleet of six transports to the Yalu river and protect them while landing troops, guns and stores at Wi-ju, from which base China intended to renew operations in Corea. The transports were ready Friday, September 14, and the following vessels escorted them to sea: Chen-Yuen and Ting-Yuen, speed fourteen knots, tonnage seven thousand four hundred and thirty; King-Yuen and Lai-Yuen, sixteen and one-half knots, two thousand eight hundred and fifty tons; Ping-Yuen, ten and one-half knots, two thousand eight hundred and fifty tons; Chih-Yuen and Ching-Yuen, eighteen knots, two thousand three hundred tons; Tsi-Yuen, fifteen knots, two thousand three 490hundred and fifty-five tons; Chao Yung and Yang Wei, sixteen and one-half knots, one thousand three hundred and fifty tons; Kwang Kai and Kwang Ting, sixteen and one-half knots, one thousand and thirty tons. The first five vessels named were armored battle ships, the first two built in 1881.2, the third and fourth in 1887, and the fifth in 1890. The seven following were cruisers with outside armor, all of them built since 1881 and some as late as 1890. There were also in the fleet six torpedo boats and two gun boats. It is evident that the fleet was of modern construction, and without going into details as to the armament it may be said that the guns were equally modern in pattern.

This splendid fleet arrived off the eastern entrance to the Yalu river on the afternoon of Sunday, September 16, and remained ten miles outside while the transports were to be unloaded. There were about seven thousand troops to be disembarked, composing the second Chinese army corps, which consisted almost entirely of Hunanese. The war council had realized that it was impossible to get the necessary re-enforcements to Corea with sufficient promptitude if they were marched overland, so the risk of sending them by transports was assumed.

The work of disembarking troops and discharging stores proceeded rapidly until about ten o’clock Monday morning, September 17. Very soon after that hour, the sight of a cloud of smoke upon the horizon indicated the approach of a large fleet. The enemy was at hand, and the battle was impending. Admiral Ting immediately weighed anchor and placed his ships in battle array. His position was a difficult one. If he remained near the shore, his movements were cramped. If he steamed out for sea room he ran the risk of a Japanese cruiser or torpedo boat running in amongst his transports. He chose the least of two evils and decided to remain near the shore.

By noon it was possible to distinguish twelve ships in the approaching Japanese squadron. The Chinese fleet steamed in the direction of the enemy and at a distance of five miles was able to distinguish the ships according to their types. Admiral Ting signalled his ships to clear for action and then brought them into a V-shaped formation, with the flagship at the apex of the angle. The Japanese had at first approached in double line, 491but when Admiral Ito saw the formation adopted by his opponent he changed his fleet into single line and so went into action.

The Ting-Yuen opened firing about twelve thirty P.M. at a range of five thousand seven hundred yards. The concussion of the first discharge threw every one off the bridge. As they came nearer, the Japanese appeared to form in quarter lines, to which the Chinese replied by turning two points to starboard, thus keeping their bows directed towards the enemy. Approaching within four thousand four hundred yards, the whole Japanese fleet seemed to turn eight points to port, thereby forming a single line ahead, and steaming across the Chinese line they turned its starboard wing.

The Japanese manœuvred swiftly throughout the battle, and the Chinese scarcely had a chance for effective firing from beginning to end. When the Japanese were firing at the starboard section of the Chinese squadron, the ships of the port section were practically useless, and could not fire without risk of hitting their own ships. The Japanese cruisers attacked first one section and then the other. As soon as the Chinese on the port side had brought their guns to bear and had attained the range accurately, the Japanese would work around and attack the starboard side. At times as many as five Japanese vessels would bring the whole weight of their armament to bear upon one Chinese ship, their consorts keeping the attention of the other vessels of that line fully engaged, while the ships of the diverging line lay looking on almost as useless as hulks in the water.

As compared with that of the Japanese, the fire of the Chinese was very feeble and ineffective. The men fought bravely, however, and there appeared to be no thought of surrendering on either side, but a constant intention to fight to the end.

While the fleet was getting into its formation the Chao Yung and Yang Wei, which were slow in taking up stations, were disastrously exposed to the Japanese fire, and one of them in consequence began to burn. On the port wing the Tsi-Yuen and Kwang Kai, occupied a similar position behind the Chinese line. The Japanese steamed around by the stern at a distance of five thousand yards and cut off the Tsi-Yuen. The Kwang Kai, which was as yet keeping touch with the fleet, soon fell back. 492Nothing more was seen of these two during the action, and they escaped unhurt.

The Chinese, unable to keep pace with the enemy, endeavored to follow their movements by keeping bow on to them, as they circled around, maintaining a heavy bombardment. The Chinese fleet that kept in the thick of the fight consisted of six ships of the Yuen class, including the ironclads. The Japanese, having completed one circle, hauled off to a distance of eight thousand yards, and went through an evolution with the object of separating in two divisions, the first consisting of the seven best known cruisers, and the second of five inferior ships which stood off to some distance.

The Japanese gunners were making much better practice than their enemy. Very few of the Chinese shots reached their mark, while the Japanese were constantly hitting the opposing vessels most effectively. After a time the Chinese admiral apparently became desperate. His formation was broken, and two or three of his ships advanced at full speed. The fighting became furious, but the weight of metal told and one of his ships, the Lai-Yuen, was crippled in this venture. Then for some unknown reason the Japanese ceased firing and cleared off, while the Chinese retired nearer the shore. The respite was a brief one, for the Japanese returned in about fifteen minutes, renewing the battle with great vigor and upon the same effective plan.

Late in the afternoon the Chinese cruiser Chih-Yuen, the captain of which had several times shown a disposition to disregard the admiral’s signals, deliberately steamed out of line and, although again ordered to remain in the place assigned to her, went full speed at a Japanese cruiser. The latter received a slanting blow which ripped her up below the water line and it was believed she would founder. She succeeded however, in pouring several broadsides into her enemy at close quarters, and the Chih-Yuen was so injured by her fire and by the effects of the collision that she herself sank.

When the Chinese resumed their line formation, the Japanese guns were directed upon the disabled ships, particularly the Lai-Yuen. She had been riddled by shot and shell, and it was evident that she was sinking. The Chinese gunners worked their 493weapons to the last. Finally she went down slowly, stern first. Her bows rose clear out of the water and she remained in this position for a minute and a half before she disappeared in one last plunge. The Japanese had used no torpedoes upon her, but sunk her by fair shot and shell fire. It spurred all the men to additional effort, and the officers were naturally exultant. They regarded the sinking of a double bottomed ship like the Lai-Yuen by gun fire alone as no mean achievement.

The battle then arranged itself into two great groups, the four Chinese cruisers becoming engaged with the second division, while the ironclads attacked the first division. The fighting of the second division was irregular and difficult to follow, and ended in the Japanese disappearing in the direction of the island of Hai-yung-tao.

The first Japanese division carried on the fighting with the Chinese ironclads by circling round at a distance of four thousand five hundred yards. The Ping-Yuen and Chen-Yuen keeping together, followed the enemies’ movements in a smaller circle, the whole evolution taking a spiral form. Occasionally the distance between the opposing ships was reduced to two thousand yards, and once to one thousand two hundred yards. The Japanese aimed at keeping a long distance away, so as to avail themselves of their superior speed, and make the most of their quick firing guns, in which armament they vastly excelled the Chinese. The object of the Chinese was to come into close quarters, so as to use their slow firing guns of large caliber with full effect.

Other Chinese vessels endangered were the King-Yuen, which was badly injured by fire, the Chao Yung, which foundered in shallow water, and the Yang Wei, which was partially burned, and afterwards destroyed by a torpedo.

On the Japanese side, in addition to the vessel which was rammed by the Chih-Yuen, the Yoshino and the Matsusima were badly injured by fire. The former of these two, after receiving a series of volleys from two Chinese vessels, was enveloped in a cloud of white smoke which lay heavily on the water and completely covered the ship. The Chinese vessels waited for the cloud to clear away and got their port guns ready, but before the 494Yoshino became visible their fire was diverted by a Japanese ship of the Matsusima type which came on the port quarter. The guns which had been laid for the Yoshino were fired at this newcomer with the result that she too began to burn.

In the latter part of the battle the Chinese ironclads ran short of common shell, and continued the action with steel shot, which proved ineffective.

An officer of the Japanese navy who was on one of the vessels in the engagement, was sent to make a verbal report to the mikado, and related some interesting details of the battle. He says that the fleet consisted of eleven war ships and a steam packet, Saikio Maru, which had been fitted up with guns as a cruiser, conveying Admiral Kabayama, the head of the naval command bureau, on a tour of inspection. Here is what he says about the latter boat: “It was our own turn next to suffer. The Saikio Maru had worked her deck guns to the best of her ability, but she was scarcely adapted for fighting in line against ironclads. Frequently she was in imminent danger, the Chinese quickly perceiving that she was a weak ship. A well placed shell from the Ting-Yuen pierced her side, and exploding made a complete wreck of the steering gear as well as doing other damage. She was put out of action, and pointed the best course she could by means of her screws. But this was a poor makeshift, and in trying to get away, she ran to within eighty metres distance of the Ting-Yuen and Chen-Yuen, both these ships having starred in pursuit of her at full speed. The two Chinese commanders evidently thought that the Saikio Maru intended to ram them, for they sheered off and thus left her room to escape. 497She went away southward at her best speed. The Chinese discharged two fish torpedoes after her, but the projectiles either passed underneath the ship’s keel or missed their direction. The fire which had slackened during this incident, recommenced with redoubled energy, but we still made better practice with our guns. The Chao Yung was partially disabled, though she still fought on against two of our cruisers who were closing upon her. The doomed vessel went astern and settled down in shallow water. She was covered, but two-thirds of her masts were visible, and the rigging was soon crowded with scores of Chinese crying loudly to be saved. It was a pitiful sight, but the fighting was too hot to allow us to help them. At the same moment the Yang Wei was reported disabled. She retired slowly from the fighting line rolling heavily, masses of dense smoke emerging from her. We had suffered on our side, but not nearly to such an extent. A shell had burst upon the flagship Matsusima, dismounting the forward quickfiring gun, and killing a number of men. The gun too was flung violently against the ship, doing considerable damage. The Matsusima had received a great part of the Chinese fire throughout and this last disaster had rendered her useless for further fighting. Her commander and first lieutenant had been killed. One hundred and twenty of her men had been killed or wounded; but the ship still floated. 498Admiral Ito and his staff were transferred to the Hasidate and in a few minutes they were again in the thick of the fight.

“The Hiyei in the mean time had been receiving the fire of two powerful Chinese vessels. She was manœuvered skillfully and returned their fire, until a shell bursting within her set the woodwork in flames. A second shell exploded in the sick-bay, killing a surgeon and his assistant, and some of those who had been wounded earlier. The captain was compelled to run her out of action, to extinguish the flames, and this having been accomplished his wounded men were transferred to another ship, and he steamed once more into line. The Yoshino had been fought throughout in a magnificent manner. She steamed in advance of the Hiyei when the latter was disabled and was backing out of line. She took the enemy’s fire, and replied with the greatest spirit. She was hit frequently, and her forward barbette was damaged, but her injuries can soon be repaired. The Chinese used their torpedo boats at times and incessant care was necessary to avoid their projectiles. On our war ship, the Akagi, the captain was aloft in the tops watching especially for torpedo movements and signalling by flags directly they were detected. He was in this position when the mast was shot away, and the top-hamper fell with a crash upon the deck. The captain and two lookout men were killed. The first lieutenant took command and fought the ship till darkness stopped the action. Towards the close of the day dense smoke was seen issuing from the war ships Ting-Yuen, King-Yuen, and Ping-Yuen, and it was believed by us that all were on fire. Great confusion prevailed on board them, but they did not retire from action. Firing was still kept up intermittently on the Chinese side, though the guns of many of their ships were silenced. At sundown the Chinese 499squadron was in full retreat. We took a parallel course intending to renew the battle in the morning. The night was dark, the speed was only equal to that of our slowest damaged ship, and we were compelled to keep at some distance from their course on account of their torpedo flotilla, which might have attempted a night attack. We lost sight of the enemy during the night. At dawn we endeavored to discover their position, but failed. The Chinese squadron must have reached protected shelter. Then we returned to the scene of the action, and found that the war ship Yang Wei, which had been disabled when the battle was half over, had been run ashore. Her crew had abandoned her. We fired one fish torpedo and completed her destruction. This was the only torpedo fired by the Japanese either in the action or after it.”

From a concensus of the opinions of eye witnesses, it appears that the Chinese were at least as anxious to continue the fight as were the Japanese. Before five o’clock the Japanese ceased firing. It was observed that the distance between the fleets was rapidly increasing and the Chinese failed to diminish it. The Chinese then saw the Japanese change course in a westerly direction towards the islands of Yang-tao and Hai-yung-tao. The Celestials followed them for an hour, and saw the course changed again to a southerly direction, while some of the ships of the second Japanese division that had vanished earlier in the fight now joined those of the first. By this time nothing but the smoke of the withdrawing fleet was visible and the Chinese returned. They were joined by the ships which had been partially disabled but were still in condition to proceed, and altogether withdrew towards Port Arthur. A message was sent to the transports from which the troops had disembarked on the banks of the Yalu river, ordering them to weigh anchor and follow the fleet.

It is evident that there remained room for each side to claim the victory in this naval battle. The Chinese succeeded in disembarking the troops, which was the avowed object of their expedition. They fought brilliantly, inflicting considerable damage upon their opponents, and assert that the battle was terminated against their will by the withdrawal of the Japanese vessels.

The Mikado’s men on the other hand, destroyed several of the 500best battle ships in the Chinese navy with great loss of life to the crews, and plead that the Chinese withdrew from them. The truth probably is that each fleet was so damaged and the men so exhausted with the long contest that they were mutually willing to quit. Inasmuch as casual spectators of impartial mind are not in a position to observe the details of a battle royal of this sort, it seems that the decision must be left unsettled except as the destruction of so many Chinese vessels may be certainly credited as a victory for the Japanese. The withdrawal of the Chinese fleet towards Port Arthur, and its previous inactivity seem to be partially responsible for the handing over of Corea to the Japanese, giving them first the advantage of possession in the invaded country.

The peculiar constitution of the Chinese navy is partially an explanation of the discipline prevailing. The navy is not properly an imperial or even a national force. The four fleets are provincial squadrons raised, equipped, and maintained by the viceroys or governors of the maritime provinces to which they are attached. No arrangement could possibly be more unsuited for the purpose of naval war, and to it may be partially attributed the previous inaction of the Chinese fleet while their numerically inferior antagonists were using the sea at will. Stirred up at length, doubtless by peremptory orders from Peking, the Chinese admiral, in place of throwing his whole strength into a decisive operation, seems to have committed himself to a subsidiary objective. Naval history teems with examples of the drawbacks that inevitably result from being thus led away. To have attacked the Japanese when convoying troops to Chemulpo, or to have fought a naval battle at Chemulpo or Ping-Yang inlet might have led to important results. In place of adopting such a course, the Chinese utilized their fleet for the first time in convoying troops to the mouth of the Yalu river in the north-east corner of the bay of Corea. The great difficulty experienced in advancing overland from Manchooria doubtless suggested this plan, but the object at best was purely secondary. And with the fleet scattered and partially destroyed it would seem that the troops, both artillery and infantry, with their stores landed at the mouth of 501the Yalu river, would be practically helpless so far from support or a base of supplies.

The Japanese fleet which met that of China in the battle of the Yalu river was composed as follows: The Matsusima, Itsukusima and the Hasidate, each of four thousand two hundred and seventy-seven tons displacement and seventeen and one-half knots; the Takachiho and the Naniwa, each of three thousand six hundred and fifty tons, and eighteen and seven-tenths knots; the Akitsushima, of three thousand one hundred and fifty tons, and Chiyoda, of two thousand four hundred and fifty tons, and each nineteen knots; the Yoshino, of four thousand one hundred and fifty tons and twenty-three knots; the Fuso, three thousand seven hundred and eighteen tons, and the Hiyei, two thousand two hundred tons, each thirteen knots; the Akagi six hundred and fifteen tons, and twelve knots; beside the Saikio Maru, a steam packet fitted as a cruiser and four torpedo boats. It will be seen that in numbers the fleets were about equal. But in tonnage the Chinese fleet was superior, having several vessels larger than any of the Japanese, while on the other hand the speed of the Japanese vessels averaged very much above that of the Chinese. The armament too of the Japanese fleet was superior to that of the Chinese, being composed more largely of quickfiring guns. In type the vessels of the opposing squadrons differed considerably. While six of the Chinese ships had side armor, only one Japanese vessel was thus protected; and while ten Chinese ships had protection of some form, only eight Japanese carried any armor.

The Japanese had the advantage of their opponents in speed, but to a less extent than might be expected. The number of knots shown for each ship in the lists was of course the best possible, and is equally delusive for both sides. Notwithstanding, the Japanese had so much the greater speed that they were able to steam around their opponents to some extent. There are some lessons to be drawn from this battle by those who have wondered what the result of a contest between the modern war ships would be. The Chinese made one attempt to ram, and discharged one torpedo from a ship and three from a boat. The attempt to ram resulted in desperate damage, though not in destruction to the 502ship attacked. The rammer herself was afterwards sunk, it was believed by gun fire. All the torpedoes discharged were ineffective. The Japanese tried to use neither the ram nor the torpedo. Beside the Chih-Yuen, the Lai-Yuen and Chao Yung were sunk by shot and the Yang Wei was run aground to avoid foundering in deep water. The Japanese flag ship Matsusima was so severely injured that Admiral Ito had to shift his flag to the Hasidate. The Hiyei was forced out of action for a time, and the armed packet steamer Saikio Maru had to go out of action altogether. The mast of the Akagi was shot away, and by the fall killed the captain and two men, all of whom were on the top. Such being the variety of the ships engaged, important lessons are forthcoming from this first great modern naval battle. Many theories fondly beloved and eagerly proclaimed have had to be abandoned for their holders to fall back upon the old and well tested principles of naval war. The gun has maintained its position as a weapon to which all others are merely accessories. The best protection, as Farragut pointed out, is a powerful and well directed fire. Stupendous losses, unimaginable destruction, have been confidently predicted as a necessary result of a naval battle fought with modern weapons. This did not prove to be the case, and the damage inflicted in the five or six hours’ fighting at the mouth of the Yalu might have occurred in the days of the '74s. Allowance must be made for the probable defects in the Chinese gunnery practice, but their seamen fought like heroes, and greater endurance than was shown on either side can never be expected. The accuracy of naval fire is always over-estimated in time of peace. The disablement of the heavy guns of the Chen-Yuen and her continued fighting with her light armament are a useful object lesson. This vessel like many others was built solely with a view to carry her four thirty-seven ton guns. The remaining armament was doubtless distributed promiscuously as space offered. Both barbettes were quickly disabled, and machinery gave place to man power. On board ship, as on land, it is the man who ultimately counts, even though in time of peace he is often forgotten.

From this survey of the characteristics of the two fleets, it may be perceived that each fairly represented a different principle. 503The principle represented by the Chinese was that advocated by the school which puts matter above mind, for their fleet contained the biggest ships, the less numerous but heaviest guns, and the most extensive torpedo armament. The principle of which the Japanese may be taken as the representative is that of a school which appeals to history and experience, and not to theories evolved out of the inner consciousness of people without practical knowledge of the sea, and which maintains that the human factor is both the most important and the unchanging factor in war, which must in its broader features remain much what it has always been.

Whatever the claims of victory made by the opposing forces, the fact remains that Admiral Ito stayed at sea with the Japanese fleet and that the damages were repaired as fast as possible on board the ships; while the Chinese went into port, where their repairs could be made in safety and at leisure. Japan unquestionably had command of the sea. The menace which operated successfully in the early stages of the war was changed for the prestige of a great moral and material victory.